On Tuesday, I voted for the first time. Not for a president, not in a midterm, but in the California special election to counter Texas Republicans’ gerrymandering efforts. What makes this dynamic particularly fascinating is that both parties are betting on the same demographic — Latino voters.

For years, pundits assumed Latinos were a lock for Democrats. President Obama’s 44-point lead with these voters in 2012 cemented the narrative: “Shifting demographics” (shorthand for more nonwhite voters) would doom Republicans.

But 2016, and especially the 2024 elections, shattered that idea. A year ago, Trump lost the Latino vote by just 3 points, down from 25 in 2020, according to Pew. Trump carried 14 of the 18 Texas counties within 20 miles of the border, a majority-Latino region. The shift was so significant that Texas Republicans, under Trump’s direction, are redrawing congressional districts to suppress Democratic representation, betting big that Republican gains made with Latinos can clinch the midterms in November 2026.

To counter Republican gerrymanders in Texas, Gov. Gavin Newsom and California Democrats pushed their own redistricting plans, hoping to send more Democrats to the House. They too are banking on Latino support — but that’s not a sure bet.

Imperial County offers a cautionary tale. This border district is 86% Latino, among the poorest in California, and has long been politically overlooked. It was considered reliably blue for decades; since 1994, it had backed every Democratic presidential candidate until 2024, when Trump narrowly won the district.

Determined to understand the recent shift, during summer break I traveled in Imperial County, interviewing local officials in El Centro, Calexico and other towns. Their insights revealed that the 2024 results weren’t just about immigration or ideology; they were about leadership, values and, above all, economics.

“It was crazy. It was a surprise,” Imperial County Registrar of Voters Linsey Dale told me. She pointed out that the assembly seat that represents much of Imperial County and part of Riverside County flipped to Republican.

Several interviewees cited voters’ frustration with President Biden’s age and Kamala Harris’ lack of visibility. In a climate of nostalgia politics, many Latino voters apparently longed for what they saw as the relative stability of the pre-pandemic Trump years.

Older Latinos, in particular, were attracted to the GOP’s rhetoric around family and tradition. But when asked about the top driver of votes, the deputy county executive officer, Rebecca Terrazas-Baxter, told me: “It wasn’t immigration. It was the economic hardship and inflation.”

Republicans winning over voters on issues such as cost of living, particularly coming out of pandemic-era recession, makes sense, but I am skeptical of the notion that Latino voters are fully realigning themselves into a slate of conservative positions.

Imperial voters consistently back progressive economic policies at the ballot box and hold a favorable view of local government programs that deliver tangible help such as homebuyer assistance, housing rehabilitation and expanded healthcare access. In the past, even when they have supported Democratic presidential candidates, they have voted for conservative ballot measures and Republican candidates down the ticket. Imperial voters backed Obama by a wide margin but also supported California’s Proposition 8, banning same-sex marriage. This mix of progressive economics and conservative values is why Republican political consultant Mike Madrid describes Latino partisanship as a “weak anchor.”

The same fluidity explains why many Latinos who rallied behind Sen. Bernie Sanders in 2020 later voted for Trump in 2024. Both men ran as populists, promising to challenge the establishment and deliver economic revival. For Latinos, it wasn’t about left or right; it was about surviving.

The lesson for both parties in California, Texas and everywhere is that no matter how lines are drawn, no district should be considered “safe” without serious engagement.

It should go without saying, Latino voters are not a monolith. They split tickets and vote pragmatically based on lived economic realities. Latinos are the youngest and fastest-growing demographic in the U.S., with a median age of 30. Twenty-five percent of Gen Z Americans are Latino, myself among them. We are the most consequential swing voters of the next generation.

As I assume many other young Latino voters do, I approached my first time at the ballot box with ambivalence. I’ve long awaited my turn to participate in the American democratic process, but I could never have expected that my first time would be to stop a plot to undermine it. And yet, I feel hope.

The 2024 election made it clear to both parties that Latinos are not to be taken for granted. Latino voters are American democracy’s wild card — young, dynamic and fiercely pragmatic. They embody what democracy should be: fluid, responsive and rooted in lived experience. They don’t swear loyalty to red or blue; they back whoever they think will deliver. The fastest-growing voting bloc in America is up for grabs.

Francesca Moreno is a high school senior at Marlborough School in Los Angeles, researching Latino voting behavior under the guidance of political strategist Mike Madrid.

Former Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi announced Thursday she will not seek reelection, capping an historic career at 20 terms. 

“I have truly loved serving as your voice in Congress,” the California Democrat, 85, said in a video dedicated to her San Francisco constituents. “With a grateful heart, I look forward to my final year of service as your proud representative.”

Pelosi’s departure will mark the end of an era in Congress. In 2007, she became the first woman elected to serve as speaker of the House.

“For our daughters and our granddaughters: today we have broken the marble ceiling,” she said at the time.

As speaker and House Democrats’ leader, Pelosi was known for her shrewd political judgment and incisive skills as a legislative strategist.

She was also a consistent political target for Republicans, who cast her — a San Francisco multi-millionaire — as the ultimate coastal elitist. Pelosi, who raised five children before coming to Congress, rejected the characterization.

Rep. California Nancy Pelosi holds a watch on June 4, 1991 reportedly smuggled out of China. – Pelosi said the watches were given to soldiers who helped crush the Tiananmen Square protesters.

Chris Assaf/AFP

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Chris Assaf/AFP

“From kitchen to Congress”

Pelosi was first elected in a special election in 1987. She famously claimed she went “from the kitchen to the Congress” after raising her children and staying active in state politics.

Fond of saying “Congress has the power of the purse,” she began her time on Capitol Hill as an appropriator, a role she drew from throughout her career. She quickly rose through Democratic leadership and became the first woman to lead a major party in either chamber when she was elected as the House Democratic Minority leader in 2002.

She led Democrats to retake the House majority in 2006 and after her history-making speakership election in 2007, Pelosi held the gavel for four years — until Republicans won back control of the chamber.

Pelosi, who often called herself a “master legislator,” could reliably deliver Democratic votes on must-pass legislation when necessary, although her first speakership came at a complicated time — a financial crisis was looming and ultimately brought the U.S. economy to its knees.

In September 2008, Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke huddled with congressional leaders in the speaker’s office on the second floor of the U.S. Capitol. There, Paulson outlined a pending financial crisis “from the depths of hell,” as Pelosi later described it. The Bush administration was asking Congress for $700 billion to prop up the U.S. economy.

“When I asked Bernanke what he thought of the secretary’s characterization, he said, ‘If we do not act immediately, we will not have an economy by Monday.’ This was Thursday night. Everyone in the room was flabbergasted,” Pelosi later recalled.

After Barack Obama was elected that fall, Pelosi pushed forward the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, a stimulus package to counter the effects of the Great Recession. She was also instrumental in passing the Dodd-Frank reforms to the banking industry and was an architect of the Affordable Care Act. The sweeping health care reform law became the signature achievement of Obama’s presidency.

In the wake of those bills, the far-right Tea Party movement helped harden Republican opposition to Obama and Democrats more broadly, and Democrats saw major losses in the 2010 midterm elections that relegated Democrats to the minority and ended Pelosi’s first run as speaker. Obama himself described the defeat as “a shellacking.”

There was growing expectation that Pelosi would retire from Congress after losing the gavel and control of the House. She was featured in attack ads in swing districts, where Republicans used her image relentlessly and effectively to characterize the entire party as far-left elitists.

Ultimately, Pelosi reclaimed the gavel in 2019 — the first person to do so in over 60 years. Originally thought by analysts to be too liberal to be an effective leader, her legacy is ultimately that of a centrist and legislative pragmatist.

A long tenure

Pelosi served alongside four presidents during her time as speaker.

Her contentious relationship with former Republican President George W. Bush was an early showcase of her ability to turn from aggressive critic to critical legislating partner.

Her relationship with President Trump was more fractious. She led two presidential impeachments and created the bipartisan Select Committee to investigate the Jan. 6 Attack on the U.S. Capitol.

It was the election of President Joe Biden and Democrats gaining control of both chambers of Congress that saw Pelosi enact trillions in new spending through the Inflation Reduction Act, the CHIPS bill and the bipartisan infrastructure law.

When Democrats lost control of the chamber in the 2022 midterm elections, Pelosi stepped down from leadership amid demands for a turnover to allow a new generation of leaders to ascend. Pelosi continued to serve in the House during a time when Democrats continued to search for a path out of the minority in Washington.

“History will note she is the most consequential speaker of the House of Representatives in our history,” then-President Biden said at the time.

That same year, Pelosi’s husband, Paul, was violently attacked by an intruder who broke into their home demanding to see the then-speaker. Paul Pelosi underwent surgery to repair a skull fracture and serious injuries to his right arm and hands. The attack was a stark example of the increase in political violence in the country.

Some two years later, Pelosi reportedly played a role privately and publicly in encouraging Biden to withdraw from the 2024 presidential race.

In 2024, Pelosi was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the country’s highest civilian honor.

Earlier this year, Pelosi signaled she would wait to make an announcement on her political future until after California voted on Proposition 50, a ballot measure that would enable state leaders to temporarily redraw current congressional lines to favor Democrats.

In a recent interview on CNN, Pelosi said she had “no doubt that if I decided to run, I would win.”

“It isn’t arrogant,” she said. “It’s confident.”